Gerrymandering notes: how many votes to take House, 1992-2012
Dear PEC Readers, we’re going casual tonight. This is for frequent visitors and those of you on the RSS feed. I’ll explain… I’m prepar...
Senate: 48 Dem | 52 Rep (range: 47-52)
Control: R+2.9% from toss-up
Generic polling: Tie 0.0%
Control: Tie 0.0%
Harris: 265 EV (239-292, R+0.3% from toss-up)
Moneyball states: President NV PA NC
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This morning on FiveThirtyEight, a correction meant to counteract the effect of post-convention bounces was removed. Evidently reader feedback was negative. This is a useful lesson…
Silver’s move is wise. There’s no a priori reason to “discount” a political event. After all, those shifts in opinion are real measurements. We also have no idea how long-lived they are – only some shifts are lasting, partly because later events can dispel or cement an impression. I’m glad to see him take a step in the right direction. Both in 2004 and this year, I have found good insights from readers. The one caveat is that one has to integrate advice carefully. There is the danger, as the referee, of being worked.
I have the converse problem, whether to include the nationally-measured bounce in a state poll-based snapshot. This has its own problems: it’s a trade-off between maximum precision (using state polls only) and improved timeliness (putting national shifts into the mix). Because events are moving quickly, I included an adjusted EV estimate in my previous post. But I’m still a general proponent of leaving unnecessary spices out of the stew. In other words, let’s see what the next wave of state polls brings – after Palin and McCain’s acceptance speeches this week.
Sam:
Sorry if this is the wrong place to ask this question, but I don’t see any other way on the site to ask.
Would you comment on the relationship between “Likely Voter” criteria and new-t0-voting groups, and how this might introduce sampling bias in the various national polls?
Thanks, and sorry for “borrowing” bandwidth.
Ken